Ketcham's story continued from page 1)
Editors
Alexander Cockburn
Jeffrey St. Clair
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AlevtinaRea
Business Becky Grant DevaWheeler
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about the attacks. The suspicion, as the investigation unfolded, was that
the men working for Urban Moving Systems were spies. Who exactly was
handling them, and who or what they were targeting, was as yet uncertain.
It was New York's venerable Jewish weekly The Forward that broke this story
in the spring of 2002, after months of footwork. The Forward reported that
the FBI had finally concluded that at least two of the men were agents
working for the Mossad, the Israeli intelligence agency, and that Urban
Moving Systems, the ostensible employer of the five Israelis, was a front
operation. Two former CIA officers confirmed this to me, noting that movers'
vans are a common intelligence cover. The Forward also noted that the
Israeli government itself admitted that the men were spies. A "former
high-ranking American intelligence official", who said he was "regularly
briefed on the investigation by two separate law enforcement officials",
told reporter Marc Perelman that after American authorities confronted
Jerusalem at the end of 2001, the Israeli government "acknowledged the
operation and apologized for not coordinating it with Washington". Today,
Perelman stands by his reporting. I asked him if his sources in the Mossad
denied the story. "Nobody stopped talking to me", he said.
In June 2002, ABC News' 20/20 followed up with its own investigation into
the matter, coming to the same conclusion as The Forward. Vincent
Cannistraro, former chief of operations for counterterrorism with the CIA,
told 20/20 that some of the names of the five men appeared as hits in
searches of an FBI national intelligence database. Cannistraro told me that
the question that most troubled FBI agents in the weeks and months after
9/11 was whether the Israelis had arrived at the site of their "celebration"
with foreknowledge of the attack to come. From the beginning, "the FBI
investigation operated on the premise that the Israelis had foreknowledge",
according to Cannistraro.
A second former CIA counterterrorism officer who closely followed the case,
but who spoke on condition of anonymity, told me that investigators were
pursuing two theories. "One story was that [the Israelis] appeared at
Liberty State Park very quickly after the first plane hit. The other was
that they were at the park location already". Either way, investigators
wanted to know exactly what the men were expecting when they got there.
Before such issues had been fully explored, however, the investigation was
shut down. Following what ABC News reported were "high-level negotiations
between Israeli and U.S. government officials", a settlement was reached in
the case of the five Urban Moving Systems suspects. Intense political
pressure apparently had been brought to bear. The reputable Israeli daily Ha'aretz
reported that by the last week of October 2001, some six weeks after the men
had been detained, Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and two
unidentified "prominent New York congressmen" were lobbying heavily for
their release. According to a source at ABC News close to the 20/20 report,
high-profile criminal lawyer Alan Dershowitzalso stepped in as a negotiator
on behalf of the men to smooth out differences with the U.S. government.
(Dershowitzdeclined to comment for this article.) And so, at the end of
November 2001, for reasons that only noted they had been working in the
country illegally as movers, in violation of their visas, the men were flown
home to Israel.
Today, the crucial questions raised by this matter remain unanswered. There
is sufficient reason - from news reports, statements by former intelligence
officials, an array of circumstantial evidence, and the reported
acknowledgment by the Israeli government - to believe that in the months
before 9/11, Israel was running an active spy network inside the United
States, with Muslim extremists as the target. Given Israel's concerns about
Islamic terrorism as well as its long history of spying on U.S. soil, this
does not come entirely as a shock. What's incendiary is the idea -
supported, though not proven, by several pieces of evidence - that the
Israelis did learn something about 9/11 in advance but failed to share all
of what they knew with American officials. The questions are disturbing
enough to warrant a Congressional investigation.
Yet none of this information found its way into Congress's joint committee
report on the attacks, and it was not even tangentially referenced in the
nearly 600 pages of the 9/11 Commission's final report. Nor would a single
major media outlet track the revelations of The Forward and ABC News to
investigate further. "There weren't even stories saying it was bullshit",
says The Forward's Perelman. "Honestly, I was surprised". Instead, the story
disappeared into the welter of anti-Israel 9/11 conspiracy theories.
It's no small boon to the U.S. government that the story of 9/11-related
Israeli espionage has been thus relegated: the story doesn't fit in the
clean lines of the official narrative of the attacks. It brings up concerns
not only about Israel's obligation not to spy inside the borders of the
United States, its major benefactor, but about its possible failure to have
provided the U.S. adequate warning of an impending devastating attack on
American soil.
Furthermore, the available evidence undermines the carefully cultivated
image of sanctity that defines the U.S.-Israel relationship. These are all
factors that help explain the story's disappearance - and they are
compelling reasons to revisit it now.
Torpedoing the FBIProbe
All five future hijackers of American Airlines Flight 77, which rammed the
Pentagon, maintained addresses or were active within a six-mile radius of
towns associated with the Israelis employed at Urban Moving Systems. Hudson
and Bergen counties, the areas where the Israelis were allegedly conducting
surveillance, were a central staging ground for the hijackers of Flight 77
and their fellow al-Qaeda operatives. Mohammed Atta maintained a mail-drop
address